Steve Bannon, troll-in-chief

(CNN) Steve Bannon still left the White House in late August, about seven weeks after President Donald Trump arrived. But even far away from power, his words remain a constant source of frustration and angst for Democrats and, probably more often, Republicans.

When rumors of a bust-up with Trump began to pass on, Bannon pushed back again, telling Bloomberg Media his departure was a faithful one, and that he was “going to battle for Trump against his opponents — in Capitol Hill, in the press, and in corporate America,” r

Since then, Bannon has mostly centered on electing a band of individuals less identifiable for any shared ideology than a collective guarantee to rile the get together establishment – and keep his own brand in the headlines. It made perfect sense in that case, as the Washington GOP performed (unsuccessfully) to defend against Roy Moore’s primary task to Sen. Luther Strange in Alabama, that Bannon dug in and received occupied campaigning for Moore.

Republican leaders “think you’re a pack of morons,” Bannon told Moore’s supporters on September. “They think you’re nothing but rubes.” A couple of days later, the past judge defeated Strange by nearly 10 points.

On Tuesday evening, Bannon reprised that range plus some other old standards during a return performance, a week ahead of Moore’s particular election contest with Democrat Doug Jones.

Performance is an essential word here, because Bannon is an undeniably talented political performer. His remarks in Fairhope lit up public press, as partisans and different observers tracked (and tweeted) his every utterance. The loudest responses were commonly angry or disbelieving. It had been, in his dark approach, a masterclass.

Bannon’s convenience of triggering opponents and befuddling neutral observers with slickly argued but intellectually disingenuous rhetoric is currently, in his capacity seeing that a sort of glorified freelance political operative, the most effective element of his act. Does he need to burn off down the Republican establishment, sowing internal divisions while directing donor cash toward his recommended candidates? Quite definitely so. But it is normally his trolling — the wind-ups, the insults — that separates him from thus many others who’d try to do the same.

His attachment to Trump — who has because the firing kept near Bannon’s rhetoric, if not his economical populist policy concepts — helps too. Targeting Sen. Jeff Flake, even before the Arizona Republican released plans to retire rather than seek re-election in 2018, by backing Kelli Ward, said more about Flake and Trump’s (poor) relationship than Ward’s prospects (also poor). Rep. Dan Donovan in NY, hardly a boldface GOP establishment figure, can be in the Breitbart man’s crosshairs. Bannon is normally supporting Michael Grimm, a felon striving to regain the seat he gave up in disgrace, in that primary. Why? Well, given the challenger’s priors, it’s certainly going to attract attention.

In Alabama in Tuesday, the game was in display on its purest form. In the space of about thirty minutes, Bannon got repeated photos at the press, joking at one level that a heckler in the group was a “CNN producer.”

“We got ’em all here,” he said. “Incidentally, they’re all here today. All of ’em. The Financial Occasions of London. THE BRAND NEW York Times. The Wall structure Street Journal. Now, why they down within Alabama? In Fairhope on a rainy evening. You understand why?”

Bannon, a longtime press executive, surely did. He understands the narrative. Like his aged boss, he adores the press. With a vote arriving, reporters there wanted to hear what he’d state — and from there, browse into how the Trump wing of the get together could be viewing the competition. But that, of training, isn’t what Bannon explained. He’s a performer, in the end, and he delivered a crowd-pleaser in reply.

“They recognize that you’re the power,” he told the audience. “The real power behind the best nation on the planet.” Reporting on allegations that Moore possessed sexually abused teenage women decades ago — or attempts to “eliminate” him, as Bannon place it — meant “they can destroy you.”

He was only start. Before ceding the stage, Bannon would sashay into a protracted riff on Arizona’s Flake. Early in the day, Flake, a Trump critic, had tweeted a picture of a check he’d lower to Doug Jones. It had been for $100. Flake wrote, in the memo field, “Country over party.”

Bannon could barely contain himself.

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“C’mon, brother,” he said, “if you are going to write a check, write a check.” Bannon in that case explained, probably effectively, that Flake’s decision to retire was triggered by less high-minded realities than the senator tends to highlight. Particularly, that Flake would have lost the GOP key by “25 to 27 points.” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell would acquire his too — “Mitch,” Bannon said, “you borrowed from your job to Donald J. Trump.”

Nonetheless it was Mitt Romney who came set for the harshest and, going by the look on Bannon’s face, most personally pleasing round of abuse.

“Let’s talk about another charm: Willard ‘Mitt’ Romney,” he started, noting at the top that Romney had “started it” with a Monday tweet that said Moore’s election “would be a stain on the GOP and on the country.”

After reminding the crowd of Moore’s service in Vietnam, Bannon circled back to Romney, a Mormon, who didn’t.

“You hid behind your religious beliefs. You went to France to become a missionary while folks were dying in rice paddies in Vietnam. Usually do not talk to me about honor and integrity,” Bannon explained. At that, he paused and walked the stage a bit, then began again, as if addressing Romney directly: “And now I’m gonna acquire personal. You ran for commander-in-chief, you’d five sons. Not one day of support in Afghanistan and Iraq. … Judge Roy Moore has even more honor and integrity in that pinkie finger than your complete relatives has in its whole DNA.”

It’s no technique that Trump, Bannon’s former company and sometimes ally, never went to Vietnam — that he received five deferments, four for education and the most famous one for bone spurs in his heels. That this was a fairly clear bit of hypocrisy had not been a bug, but an inciting feature.

Bannon delights, perhaps more than anything else, in raising the hackles of these who know this about Trump’s history therefore be galled by his statements about Romney. He is aware of that the tribalism animating American politics today dictates that angering your opponents is normally, for many, a success in its right.

So by the time he moved on to Jones and, naturally, Hillary Clinton, Bannon’s needs were clear.

“A vote for Doug Jones is a vote for the Clinton agenda,” he said. “And that is what the persons in Alabama ought to be focused on — not really this politics of personal destruction.”

The latter was a phrase he’d already used at the start of the talk, however in context here it felt more pointed. It had been the Clintons who, during the scandals of the overdue 1990s, most memorably deployed the phrase.

As cheeky provocations head out, it was executed without flaw. If Bannon believed you ripe for angering, it’s likely that you’d have already been made angry watching him in Alabama. Whether his act helped Roy Moore or not really we’ll never precisely know. But moreover — our agonizing over it really is pretty much the idea.

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